miércoles, 8 de diciembre de 2010

GOB RESPINS ANTI-U.S. ALLEGATIONS

Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
08LAPAZ329 2008-02-19 23:11 2010-12-03 21:09 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy La Paz
VZCZCXYZ0000 PP RUEHWEB  DE RUEHLP #0329/01 0502300 ZNY CCCCC ZZH P 192300Z FEB 08 FM AMEMBASSY LA PAZ TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6467 INFO RUEHAC/AMEMBASSY ASUNCION 7598 RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 4967 RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 8872 RUEHBU/AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES 6087 RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 3307 RUEHPE/AMEMBASSY LIMA 3522 RUEHMN/AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO 5243 RUEHQT/AMEMBASSY QUITO 5936 RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 0553 RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC RUMIAAA/USCINCSO MIAMI FL RUEHUB/USINT HAVANA 0912 RHEHNSC/NSC WASHINGTON DC RHMFISS/HQ USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL
C O N F I D E N T I A L LA PAZ 000329   SIPDIS   SIPDIS   E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/20/2018  TAGS: PGOV PREL ECON BL SUBJECT: GOB RESPINS ANTI-U.S. ALLEGATIONS   REF: A. LA PAZ 303  B. LA PAZ 304  C. LA PAZ 218   Classified By: EcoPol Chief Mike Hammer for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)   1. (C) Summary: The Bolivian government attempted to renew  and, in some cases, repackage old allegations against the  U.S. February 16-18. Bolivian President Evo Morales  threatened to show USAID the door if it continues undermining  his administration. As proof, Morales provided the example  of a political organization that was allegedly turned down  for USAID assistance due to its pro-Morales stance. He also  cited unnamed groups that were asked to work against the  government as a condition for assistance. Morales also  argued against a free trade agreement with the U.S. and  charged the U.S. of involvement in the disappearances of  Bolivians during drug-related conflicts in the region of  Chapare. Morales' assertion that pro-government groups were  prepared to take up arms to defend his agenda were rebuffed  by a wide-range of social and labor groups. Government  Minister Alfredo Rada continues to accuse the U.S. of  involvement in a police "spying" scandal to deflect from his  role in the unauthorized surveillance of opposition  politicians and reporters. The Bolivian government's refusal  to sign a cooperation agreement concerning U.S. military aid  and the impact of that refusal on disaster assistance was  made public February 18. Foreign Minister David Choquehuanca  explained the government did not want to sign an agreement  "with its eyes closed" and was only reviewing the agreement.  Despite public assurances that they want better relations  with the U.S., the relentless public spinning of the Bolivian  government's complaints against the U.S. at the expense of  diplomatic channels suggest the BOG has another agenda:  discredit the U.S. and distract the Bolivian public. End  Summary.   Lights, Camera, Allegations  ---------------------------   2. (U) Bolivian President Evo Morales made several references  to ongoing "political problems" with the U.S. February 15,  although he clarified diplomatic and commercial relations  would be maintained. Morales rehashed the argument that  USAID is supporting opposition groups and that the U.S.  Embassy is "making politics" at the expense of diplomatic  work, such as advancing commercial ties. Morales asserted  during recent months USAID has been convoking groups through  implementing NGOs and offering them money with the  stipulation that they work "against the Bolivian government."  Morales claimed leaders from the Federation of Ayllus  (indigenous local government units) of Potosi told him an  USAID-supported NGO denied their group's request for $20,000  because the organization "supports Evo Morales." Morales  urged citizens to report NGOs that are "bought by USAID to  distribute funds to make politics against the government."  He added, "The government will not allow NGOs to work against  the executive power. Faced with these provocations from  USAID, we will ask them to go home." Morales saluted U.S.  citizens that are denouncing both USAID and the Embassy for  practicing "politics," but offered no details on who he was  referring to.   3. (U) Although most of his criticisms were respun from old  charges, Morales added a new spin on some existing  allegations. Morales asserted Embassy Bolivian police guards  act "like embassy workers ... at the side of the U.S.  government." Morales claimed he learned of this "strange"  police arrangement through Fulbrighter van Schaick, who  accused Assistant Regional Security Officer Vincent Cooper of  asking him to "spy" on Cubans and Venezuelans in Bolivia last  week (Reftels a and b). Though not directly associated with  recent charges the U.S. is behind Bolivian police "spying" on  politicians and reporters, this mischaracterization of our  Bolivian guard force feeds into the Morales administration's  allegations of undue U.S. influence on Bolivian police units.   Evo on FTA, Drugs, and Cooper "Expulsion"  -----------------------------------------   4. (C) Morales rejected a free trade agreement with the U.S.  as a return to the days of former-president Gonzalo Sanchez  de Lozada, when Morales alleges the government made deals  with U.S. businesses at the expense of Bolivians. Morales  characterized the Embassy's decision that ARSO Vincent Cooper  would not return to Bolivia as the "expulsion" of a "man who  conducted North American espionage." Morales repeated his  opinion that the war on drugs has been a failure because it  targeted coca leaf instead of cocaine. He alleged the DEA,  U.S. military, and Bolivian national police headed Bolivian  anti-narcotics efforts "from a U.S. military base" in  Cochabamba Department when there were "demonstrations and  disappearances," implying U.S. involvement. (Note: The U.S.  supports Bolivian anti-narcotics efforts at the Chimore  Airport and has offices there, but there are no U.S. military  bases per se in Bolivia. Despite Morales' intermittent calls  to dismantle such non-existent bases, this issue is a  misunderstanding or a straw man. End Note.)   Call to Arms Disconnected  -------------------------   5. (U) While railing against "oligarchic groups," and  particularly efforts to convoke an autonomy referendum in the  opposition-led Department (state) of Santa Cruz, Morales  claimed pro-government groups would defend his administration  "with arms." Morales said February 14 that sympathizers in  Santa Cruz had told him they would take up arms to ensure the  opposition showed Morales the proper "respect." However,  leaders from MAS-aligned social and union groups rejected any  attempt to resort to arms February 16, calling instead for an  electoral solution to settle Bolivian differences.    Spin Doctor Rada's Dizzying "Spy" Accusations  ---------------------------------------------   6. (U) On February 15, the Ambassador met with Government  Minister Alfredo Rada to discuss the USG's support to the  Police's Special Operations Command (COPES) police unit, a  unit that Rada has stated was likely behind a growing  domestic surveillance scandal. Following their meeting, the  Ambassador issued a public statement which re-iterated that  the USG was never involved in domestic spying and explained  that USG would no longer fund COPES because the unit had been  disbanded on January 29.   7. (U) In an interview with the La Paz newspaper La Prensa  following the February 15 meeting Rada continued to insinuate  )- as he has done publicly on various occasions -- that  COPES was responsible for internal surveillance against  political officials and journalists. Rada once again called  COPES a parallel intelligence organization that conducted  "political intelligence," argued it reported directly to the  USG and not to the National Intelligence Directorate (DNI),  and that it exceeded the scope of its mandate. Rada  explained that since September 11, 2001 the U.S. government  had directed COPES to gather intelligence on terrorist  organizations which violated COPES' mission to conduct  surveillance only on narco-trafficking organizations. Rada  stated, that "terrorism is a fundamentally political  phenomenon . . . therefore COPES . . . conducted political  intelligence . . . All of this a function of the State  Department's priorities." (Note: According to the COPES'  memorandum of understanding between the Bolivian and U.S.  governments, conducting surveillance on both illegal  narcotics and terrorist targets is part of its mission. End  Note.)   8. (U) Throughout the interview Minister Rada engaged in  double speak, at times strongly insinuating the USG was  behind the domestic spying scandal, at other times  acknowledging there was little information tying the USG to  the case. "It would be irresponsible to affirm they (the  Embassy) were behind these (domestic spying) operations,"  Rada stated. He followed with, "The fact that intelligence  personnel from the Embassy received reports from ODEP (COPES'  official name since 2001) makes us believe that they were  aware of these things (domestic spying). Despite earlier  statements in the interview that COPES responded to the USG,  Rada closed the interview with the statement, "That  ODEP-COPES followed direct orders from the Embassy, we cannot  yet demonstrate, but we are investigating. But there was a  direct economic link, and it has been demonstrated that they  worked on priorities designed by Washington." Rada also  tried to link Fulbrighter Van Schaick case to the domestic  spy scandal. Arguing his Van Schaick's sworn statement is  the first piece of concrete evidence that links the USG to  espionage within Bolivia.   Eyes Wide Shut on MILGP Assistance  ----------------------------------   9. (C) The Bolivian press reported February 19 that the  Bolivian government had frozen military humanitarian  assistance, by not renewing our humanitarian assistance  diplomatic note (which acts as a SOFA, or status of forces  agreement, for U.S. military personnel in Bolivia). The  article stressed that non-military aid (USD) 600,000 to flood  victims is not affected. However, it highlighted that our  MILGRP has provided humanitarian assistance (include medical,  dental and eye treatment) since 1996 and has already  prevented aid from arriving for flooding victims. Foreign  Minister David Choquehuanca responded that the government had  not canceled any agreement, but was simply reviewing it.  Choquehuanca stated, "We now do not sign agreements with the  United States with our eyes closed, like what happened in the  past, especially with anti-drug assistance." (Note: The  humanitarian assistance agreement has nothing to do with our  counter-narcotics aid. A Bolivian diplomatic note suspended  renewal of the assistance agreement January 29, citing the  need for a dialogue to bridge a "gap of understanding."  ((Reftel C)) End Note).   Comment  -------   10. (C) Although charges that USAID is undermining the  Bolivian government are nothing new (Minister of the  Presidency Juan Quintana originally laid out the charges in  August and officials have drummed them up periodically  since), Morales' call for Bolivians to help the government  "identify these NGOs" ostensibly working to undermine his  administration is a troubling development. Using Morales'  example of the Potosi group that was "denied" $20,000, any  person or organization that asks for USAID funding and does  not receive it could allege a political motive. We will  continue to counter misunderstandings about USAID's  transparency and apolitical nature with reality. However,  the Bolivian government is unlikely to back off from its  USAID assault any time soon, as it enjoys the propaganda  value of creating an external enemy to distract from domestic  problems. Likewise, although government officials have  privately admitted to us they do not believe the U.S. was  involved in the police "spying" scandal, they are not  disengaging from insinuations of U.S. involvement. Rada's  accusations are designed not to lead to a formal process that  would prove or disprove them, but rather to create the  appearance of U.S. impropriety to distract the Bolivian  public from very real and potentially damaging charges  against him. As such, they are a success. The incongruity  of the government accusing us of being in cahoots with the  opposition and, at the same time, spying on them seems  largely overlooked in the public discourse. Unfortunately,  the Bolivian press does not consistently apply critical  analysis to these incoherent, vague, and sometimes  contradictory charges before distributing them to the  Bolivian and international public.   11. (C) Comment Continued. Although they may not always  believe in the merits of some of their specific accusations,  government leaders from Evo down appear to genuinely believe  the Embassy is working to undermine the Morales  administration. Given his proclivity to view the Embassy as  separate from the U.S. government and people, we expect  Morales to bring the GOB's vague litany of accusations  against the Embassy to both the visiting Congressional  delegation and to the U.S. public during his planned February  25-27 speaking tour in the U.S. End Comment.  GOLDBERG

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